Tuesday, 25 March 2014

Obama to Call for End to N.S.A.’s Bulk Data Collection

The headquarters of the National Security Administration in Fort Meade, Md.

WASHINGTON — The Obama administration is preparing to unveil a legislative proposal for a far-reaching overhaul of the National Security Agency's once-secret bulk phone records program in a way that — if approved by Congress — would end the aspect that has most alarmed privacy advocates since its existence was leaked last year, according to senior administration officials.

Under the proposal, they said, the N.S.A. would end its systematic collection of data about Americans' calling habits. The bulk records would stay in the hands of phone companies, which would not be required to retain the data for any longer than they normally would. And the N.S.A. could obtain specific records only with permission from a judge, using a new kind of court order.

In a speech in January, President Obama said he wanted to get the N.S.A. out of the business of collecting call records in bulk while preserving the program's abilities. He acknowledged, however, that there was no easy way to do so, and had instructed Justice Department and intelligence officials to come up with a plan by March 28 — Friday — when the current court order authorizing the program expires.

As part of the proposal, the administration has decided to ask the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court to renew the program as it exists for at least one more 90-day cycle, senior administration officials said. But under the plan the administration has developed and now advocates, the officials said, it would later undergo major changes.

The new type of surveillance court orders envisioned by the administration would require phone companies to swiftly provide records in a technologically compatible data format, including making available, on a continuing basis, data about any new calls placed or received after the order is received, the officials said.

They would also allow the government to swiftly seek related records for callers up to two phone calls, or "hops," removed from the number that has come under suspicion, even if those callers are customers of other companies.

The N.S.A. now retains the phone data for five years. But the administration considered and rejected imposing a mandate on phone companies that they hold on to their customers' calling records for a period longer than the 18 months that federal regulations already generally require — a burden that the companies had resisted shouldering and that was seen as a major obstacle to keeping the data in their hands. A senior administration official said that intelligence agencies had concluded that the operational impact of that change would be small because older data is less important.

The N.S.A. uses the once-secret call records program — sometimes known as the 215 program, after Section 215 of the Patriot Act — to analyze links between callers in an effort to identify hidden terrorist associates, if they exist. It was part of the secret surveillance program that President George W. Bush unilaterally put in place after the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, outside of any legal framework or court oversight.

In 2006, as part of a broader Bush administration effort to put its programs on a firmer legal footing, the Justice Department persuaded the surveillance court to begin authorizing the program. It claimed that Section 215, which allows the F.B.I. to obtain court orders for business records deemed "relevant" to an investigation, could be interpreted as allowing the N.S.A. to systematically collect domestic calling records in bulk.

Marc Rotenberg, the executive director of the Electronic Privacy Information Center, called the administration's proposal a "sensible outcome, given that the 215 program likely exceeded current legal authority and has not proved to be effective." While he said that he would like to see more overhauls to other surveillance authorities, he said the proposal was "significant" and addressed the major concerns with the N.S.A.'s bulk records program.

Jameel Jaffer of the American Civil Liberties Union said, "We have many questions about the details, but we agree with the administration that the N.S.A.'s bulk collection of call records should end." He added, "As we've argued since the program was disclosed, the government can track suspected terrorists without placing millions of people under permanent surveillance."

The administration's proposal will join a jumble of bills in Congress ranging from proposals that would authorize the current program with only minor adjustments, to proposals to end it.

In recent days, attention in Congress has shifted to legislation developed by leaders of the House Intelligence Committee. That bill, according to people familiar with a draft proposal, would have the court issue an overarching order authorizing the program, but allow the N.S.A. to issue subpoenas for specific phone records without prior judicial approval.

The Obama administration proposal, by contrast, would retain a judicial role in determining whether the standard of suspicion was met for a particular phone number before the N.S.A. could obtain associated records.

The administration's proposal would also include a provision clarifying whether Section 215 of the Patriot Act, due to expire next year unless Congress reauthorizes it, may in the future be legitimately interpreted as allowing bulk data collection of telephone data.

The proposal would not, however, affect other forms of bulk collection under the same provision. The C.I.A., for example, has obtained orders for bulk collection of records about international money transfers handled by companies like Western Union.

The existence of the N.S.A. program was disclosed and then declassified last year following leaks by Edward J. Snowden, the former N.S.A. contractor. The disclosure set off a controversy that scrambled the usual partisan lines in Congress.

The government has been unable to point to any thwarted terrorist attacks that would have been carried out if the program had not existed, but has argued that it is a useful tool.

A review group appointed by Mr. Obama and an independent federal privacy watchdog both called for major changes to the program; the latter also concluded that the bulk collection is illegal, rejecting the government's Patriot Act interpretation.

In January, Mr. Obama narrowed how far out from suspects N.S.A. analysts could go in analyzing calling records, reducing the limit to two steps from three. He also began requiring N.S.A. analysts to obtain court approval before using a phone number to make queries of the database.
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U.N. Expresses Alarm Over Egyptian Death Sentences

Egyptians Divided Over Court Decision Cairo residents discussed a court decision sentencing 529 members of the Muslim Brotherhood to death on charges of murder and other offenses.

GENEVA — The United Nations human rights office expressed "deep alarm" Tuesday after an Egyptian court sentenced 529 people to death, condemning the judgment as a violation of international law.

The "astounding" number of people sentenced is unprecedented in recent history, Rupert Colville, a spokesman for the United Nations high commissioner for human rights, Navi Pillay, told reporters in Geneva. "The mass imposition of the death penalty after a trial rife with procedural irregularities is in breach of international human rights law." A mass trial conducted over just two days "cannot possibly have met even the most basic requirements for a fair trial," he added.

A three-judge panel in the town of Minya, south of Cairo, reached the verdict Monday after two court sessions that each lasted less than an hour. The defendants — described by Egyptian state media as supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood, which was ousted from power by the military in July — were accused of murdering a police officer in a riot last August.

The precise charges against each defendant were unclear because they were not read out in court, Mr. Colville said, and 398 of the defendants were tried in absentia even though some were in detention at the time.

Mr. Colville said defense lawyers claimed that they had not been given sufficient access to the defendants, and that the court did not consider "relevant evidence" they had presented.

The judgment was particularly worrying because the Egyptian authorities have arrested thousands of other defendants since July on similar charges, said Mr. Colville, who noted that the Minya court was pressing ahead with another mass trial. On Tuesday, 683 people who are believed to be supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood went on trial for charges of murder and inciting violence.
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LETTER FROM RUSSIA For Putin, Out With the Old Favorites

Demonstrators held flags with the image of President Vladimir V. Putin and the words "We are together!" during a rally in Moscow last week after Mr. Putin reclaimed Crimea as part of Russia.

MOSCOW — When he returned home from work last week, the economist Mikhail E. Dmitriyev found two strangers waiting for him in the entryway. They showed no interest in his wallet but seized a bag that contained his laptop computer, and then beat him so badly he was left with a concussion.

Mr. Dmitriyev is a meticulous analyst, not inclined to hyperbole or speculation. He spent many years inside the system that President Vladimir V. Putin built, part of a team of economic modernizers that included the Sberbank chief German O. Gref and Aleksei L. Kudrin, the former finance minister.

That is why people paid attention in 2011, when Mr. Dmitriyev's research center reported a surging demand for political change from the urban middle class, describing its swift growth during the Putin era as "a political detonator which cannot be unscrewed."

Much has occurred between now and then. Protests materialized, as Mr. Dmitriyev predicted, and were quelled. In January, Mr. Dmitriyev was removed as the president of his organization, the Center for Strategic Research, telling an interviewer that he may have angered officials by criticizing the government's new pension policy. This week, he is trying to reason his way through the mysterious attack.

"The police suggested that my business competitors might have stood behind it, trying to get commercially valuable data, but there was no such information in my computer which could have justified violent robbery, and my company is a research center with a rather limited budget," he said. "So, one can guess at non-economic reasons behind this crime. We cannot rule out that this may reflect a growing intolerance to independent thinking in Russia."

Moscow these days is a nervous city. Mr. Putin has rebuilt his popularity by pivoting away from urban elites to an audience of less privileged, conservative voters, starting an anti-Western information campaign that has reached its apex with the standoff over Crimea.

Mr. Putin's move to reclaim Crimea is popular among Russians, even liberal ones. This is a function of history; Nikita S. Khrushchev transferred Crimea to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic for reasons that are debated to this day, not anticipating that the Soviet collapse would sever it from Russia.

But Mr. Putin is also announcing a change within his society: a turn inward, away from the West. Russia's "Western influences," of course, are people — economic, political and intellectual elites whose work has long since woven them into Western Europe and the United States. In a solemn speech last week, Mr. Putin set the stage for a purge of dissenters. "Some Western politicians already threaten us not only with sanctions, but also with the potential for domestic problems," he said. "I would like to know what they are implying — the actions of a certain fifth column, of various national traitors?"

Time will tell whether this rhetoric will truly translate into a "change of the elite" — a phrase that pro-Kremlin analysts use with a straight face these days.

Nikolay V. Petrov, a professor at the Higher School of Economics, sees the change this way: Leading economic technocrats, who once served as a counterpoint to the conservative "shareholders" around Mr. Putin, will find themselves increasingly limited to technical roles, or replaced by people perceived as more loyal.

The technocrats were important to Mr. Putin at one time, when he believed liberal economic reforms could make Russia into a first-rung world power, Professor Petrov said, but now he has given up on that idea, and is looking instead to Russia's geostrategic position as a way to assert its might on the global stage.

With that shift has come something new: focused pressure on critical voices from the liberal economic bloc. Sergei M. Guriev, an economic adviser to former President Dmitri A. Medvedev, moved to France last year, fearing that he would be targeted in a political prosecution. Sergei V. Aleksashenko, a former deputy head of Russia's central bank who participated in antigovernment protests, took a job in Washington last year after his bids to be re-elected to the boards of three state-controlled corporations were blocked.

Mr. Dmitriyev, for his part, is still in the hospital, but when he gets out he plans to continue his work in Russia. He predicts that the Crimean crisis will trigger a "new wave of uncertainty and change" that could imprint Russians' political views for years to come. His center plans to carry out polling to capture this change as it takes shape. First, though, he will have to get a new laptop.
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5 Killed in Kabul as Taliban Target Election Offices

Afghan policemen help an injured man at the site of a suicide attack in Kabul.
MOHAMMAD ISMAIL / REUTERS

KABUL, Afghanistan — With security concerns already mounting before the Afghan presidential vote, a Taliban assault team turned election offices in eastern Kabul into a scene of carnage on Tuesday. After a firefight that stretched for more than three hours and trapped dozens of people in the compound, five victims lay dead and the Afghan capital had again been proven vulnerable.

Two of the five attackers detonated their explosives belts at the gate of the compound, while three others rushed in armed with assault rifles, the police said. Even as the attack was unfolding, the Taliban claimed responsibility, reemphasizing their campaign to disrupt the April 5 election and punish those involved in them.

The victims included two police officers, an election worker and a provincial council candidate, officials said. At least six other people were reported wounded.

A spokesman for the Interior Ministry, Sediq Seddiqi, said that the police had responded quickly, rescuing more than 70 people trapped in the compound before killing the remaining attackers. The compound is near the home of a leading presidential candidate, Ashraf Ghani, who was not home at the time, officials said.

"If the police did not response in a timely manner, they could have massacred every one," Mr. Seddiqi said.

At the scene of the attack, it was hard to see how anyone survived.

Bombers' body parts and victims' blood covered the street and courtyard. The building appeared a bombed-out shell, with bullet holes pockmarking the entire facade and the doors and windows blown off hinges.

The smell of gasoline and explosives filled the air, and the ground was covered in glass and bits of concrete torn from the building.

An election worker who was inside the offices of the Independent Election Commission when the attack happened said that heavy gunfire began immediately after the initial blasts. Some workers got stuck in the basement, while others rushed from the corridor and locked themselves in rooms.

"Everyone was shouting, a woman was on the ground bleeding from a gunshot," said the election worker, Khalil Usmani. "It was crazy, bullets and smoke. No one knew who anyone was."

After months of relative calm in the capital, Kabul has again been the scene of troubling attacks in recent weeks, stirring up unease among Afghan and international officials here and raising questions about security for an election seen as critical to the country's stability after the Western military pullout by year's end.

Officials are hoping that the Taliban's campaign of violence will not be enough to intimidate voters from turning out for the high-stakes election. With three main contenders vying for the presidency, observers are hoping the enhanced competition will also bolster turnout compared with the 2009 election, when most Afghans expected President Hamid Karzai to win and widespread violence kept significant sections of the population from voting.

Resilience and fear were both on display on Tuesday outside the devastated election offices and near Mr. Ghani's home.

Farid, 22, said the attacks had made him rethink his decision to vote. The general insecurity and a fear that he might wind up a victim of a Taliban assault have altered the hope he held for participating in the upcoming election.

"I won't take part in the elections," he said, standing along the edge of a crowd near the site of the attack. "I wanted to vote, but all of these recent attacks have changed my mind."

Still, many Afghans are trying to shrug off the violence, and insisting that self-determination is more important than risk.

Nasir Ahmed, also among the crowd clogging the entrance to the road leading to the Independent Election Commission, said nothing would weaken his resolve to have a voice in his country's future.

"We will still go and participate in the election," he said. "These attacks can't stop us from casting our votes."

Ahmad Shakib and Haris Kakar contributed reporting.
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Tumblr improves security with addition of two-factor authentication

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Date: Tue, 25 Mar 2014 11:10:40
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Subject: Tumblr improves security with addition of two-factor authentication

Along with other services such as those provided by Google, MSN, and Dropbox, Tumblr also now offers two-factor authentication, introducing another layer of security and thereby reducing the chances of a hacker accessing user accounts.

The company announced the new feature Monday, and while account holders can choose whether or not they want to make use of it, Tumblr obviously strongly recommends that you do.

"Your account is far less likely to get compromised if you've enabled two-factor authentication," the site says on a webpage explaining how to set it up.

Two-factor authentication can take various forms, but essentially it means providing two pieces of information instead of the usual one (a password) to prove you're the owner of the account you're trying to access.

To set up the extra layer of security for your Tumblr account, check out the following instructions:

1. Visit your account settings.

2. Click the 'Enable' checkbox.

3. Enter your mobile phone number.

4. Now decide whether you'd like to receive the code via text or through an authenticator app such as Google's free Android or iOS Authenticator app. It's recommended to use both methods in case you need to use one as a backup.

5. Hit your settings page to find out how to set up the system for any Tumblr app you're using.

Once you're done, future logins will require you to enter your password together with the unique six-digit code.

Tumblr adds that once you've enabled two-factor authentication, you'll be required to generate a special one-time-use password (via your account settings page) to login through your mobile apps. "Don't worry about memorizing that password, by the way. You'll only need it once, and it's really stupid-looking anyway," the company explained on its website.

So, if you like the idea of making it harder for hackers to break into your Tumblr account, you know what to do…
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Google’s Photowall uses Chromecast to collaboratively showcase photos

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Date: Tue, 25 Mar 2014 11:10:10
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Subject: Google's Photowall uses Chromecast to collaboratively showcase photos

Announced on the official Google Chrome Blog earlier today, Photowall for Chromecast is a new mobile application that allows multiple people on the same Wi-Fi network the ability to beam photos to a Chromecast-connected television in the home. Available for free on both iOS and Android devices, Photowall also allows users the ability to write captions on shared photos or add creative doodles. Working through a Web interface in the default browser on the mobile device, users can choose from existing photos stored on their mobile device or from new photos taken with the camera.

This type of application would be ideal for family events when pictures are often shared. Anyone connected to the same Wi-Fi network can also add pictures to the photo stream by visiting g.co/photowall and entering the unique security code for the main photo collage.

Interestingly, all of these photos can be turned into a short YouTube video automatically using the Photowall application, thus allowing people that weren't at the event to check out the photos shared through the Photowall app.

Speaking about the release of Photowall as it relates to the public launch of the Chromecast SDK, creative director Ian Tait wrote "We got excited about using the TV as a place for people to collaborate, so we started tinkering with ways for people to play with photos using their phones and tablets—like an interactive slideshow…If you're a developer and you want to make your own multi-screen experience, we hope you'll roll up your sleeves and start experimenting with Chromecast as well."

It's likely that many third party developers will release applications for the Chromecast in the coming months, both from U.S. and international developers. Google recently expanded the availability of the Chromecast into new countries. Announced last week, these countries include Canada, the UK, France, Germany, Spain, Italy, Norway, the Netherlands, Sweden, Denmark and Finland.
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Nikon D3300 review

Like Canon's new EOS Rebel T5 and the older T3, Nikon's new 24.2MP D3300 entry-level DSLR isn't wildly better than the older D3200 but it's still a fine entry-level camera – great for those moving into this sector. While both the D3300 and T5 cater to the same consumer, the D3300 demonstrates stronger attributes over its rival – albeit it costs more. Read on to find out how good it is and how it compares to Canon's new low-cost edition.

Features and design

Don't expect any big surprises here: the 24.2-megapixel D3300 looks like every other DSLR introduced before or since. Our review sample was all black with nicely textured grip. If black is too boring, it's also available in red or dark silver. No matter the finish, the D3300 is just slightly smaller than its predecessor. It measures 4.9 x 2.9 x 3 inches, weighing 15.1 ounces for just the body. Although primarily made of plastic, it feels sturdier than the recently reviewed Canon EOS Rebel T5. The D3300's technical innards are also far superior to the T5 (more on this later)

Nikon dropped the low-pass filter to improve image quality and sharpness.

The camera comes with a newly designed, more compact Nikkor 18-55mm kit lens, but there's no shortage of additional AF-S DX-designated lenses to choose from. Last time we looked there were 18 from Nikon, ranging from $200 to $1,500. Third-party suppliers like Sigma also provide options. A good first choice for newbies is the Nikkor 55-200mm telephoto zoom for $200. Since the digital factor is 1.5x, that lens will bring you up close to most subjects (300mm). These particular Nikon lenses mentioned here are not super-sharp or super wide-open but they'll do the job for everyday shooting.

The D3300 has a quality fixed-mount 3-inch LCD on the back that's rated 921K dots – double the spec of the T5. It's a good one, handling bright sunshine well, once we cranked up the Monitor Brightness to +5. Making adjustments to the display is easy once you walk through the onscreen menu system. It's linear and simple to understand, and, for those who are new to DSLRs, Nikon provides a Guide option on the mode dial that takes you through the basics. The other key feature on the back is an optical viewfinder with 95-percent field of view. It's reasonably bright and readouts (f-stop, shutter speed, and so on) are very legible.

Like every DSLR, there's a raft of keys and controls surrounding the LCD. There's nothing unusual or scary here; if you're not sure just check out the 120-page User's Manual supplied with the camera. The battery is rated a solid 700 shots per CIPA – 100 more than the T5 – so you'll have no problems shooting all day with this one, even if you go flash and video crazy. One thing that Nikon didn't include is Wi-Fi – neither did Canon with the T5. It's 2014, and there's no reason why consumer cameras like this shouldn't have wireless connectivity. Unlike Canon, at least Nikon offers it via an optional adapter ($60), but still, it would have been a nice plus considering the 3300 is pricier than the T5.

What's in the box

You'll find the body and kit lens along with various caps and a strap. You also get a USB cable, rechargeable battery, and plug-in charger. Also in the carton are the User's Manual and a CD with Nikon ViewNX2 software for handling images and developing RAW/NEF files.

Warranty

Nikon includes a one-year limited warranty. For more warranty information, including an optional two-year extended warranty, click here.

Performance and use

The D3300 has a good feel with a nice, deep grip. (As always, you need to do your own hands-on to make a final determination.) Controls are logically placed and changing camera parameters is a breeze.

As for the photographs, the D3300 delivered on the details one expects from a 24MP APS-C imager.

The mode dial, on the top of the camera, is the main control. Like Canon's T5, it has a combination of settings for both experienced and first-time users. You'll find Smart Auto, flash off, PASM, and six specific scene modes (Portrait, Landscape, Child, Sports, Close-up, and Night Portrait). There's the Guide setting to teach you the basics of the camera, and Effects, where you'll find 13 special effects to jazz up your shots, such as Super Vivid, HDR Painting, Toy Camera and – new to the D3300 – Easy Panorama. This is similar to Sony's popular Sweep Panorama where you just pan a scene and the camera stitches the images together, so you don't have to bother doing it by "hand" with software.

We took the camera and its kit lens out to various locales in the U.S. Southwest. Stills were set to maximum resolution (6000 x 4000 pixels) as was video (1920 x 1080/60p). We liked the two-year-old D3200, which is still available as a $499 kit, but the newer edition is the one to get. Although it has the same 24.2MP APS-C imager, Nikon dropped the low-pass filter to improve image quality and sharpness. Burst mode is improved to 5 fps from 4, ISO jumps to 25,600 versus 12,800 and video is now 60p instead of 30p. Most of this is thanks to a new processor (Expeed 4). This camera's 24.2MP imager really deserves high-quality lenses so you might want to budget for a nice portrait or wide aperture wide-angle prime, once you really get the feel of the camera. Although the 18-55mm f/3.5-5.6G VR II kit zoom is okay, we really wanted more – and better.

The D3300 has an 11-point AF system (one cross-type). At no time did the camera hunt for focus. We just framed and fired, which is exactly what you want from any camera; the T5 was just as responsive with its 9-point (1 cross-type) system. Where the Nikon really leaps ahead is burst mode (5 frames per second versus 3). If shooting sports is high on your list, the D3300 is the one to buy even though it's $100 more.

As for the photographs, the D3300 delivered on the details one expects from a 24MP APS-C imager, and we really liked the results. Even though we're somewhat partial to the overall Canon "tone" that we saw in the T5, we were very pleased with the shots we captured (see samples). We had a lot of fun in Auto for general snapshots, and then used aperture-priority for some desert flowers. Colors had a nice pop and richness that was quite evident on a 27-inch monitor. We played with Super Vivid mode to take the colors over the top, and were impressed with the Easy Panorama option that gives Sony's Sweep Panorama a good run for the money. What can we say? The extra megapixels without the low-pass filter will exceed your expectations. And yes, they're better than the T5's.

We're happy to say Nikon has come a long way on the video front since the bad old days of the D90. With older Nikon video-capable DSLRs, you used to need the skills of a Hollywood cinematographer to get proper focus. Plus the clips were filled with muted colors and rolling shutter effects. With the D3300, focusing is much simpler and rolling shutter is minimized. Colors do not have the richness and pop of the stills but clips were just fine for sharing with friends. However, the D3300 has built-in mono mic, so don't expect to be blown away by the audio. We squawked about the mono audio in the Canon T5 and we'll rag about it here too. We simply do not understand why manufacturers offer Full HD video without stereo sound. At least here the video quality is better at 1080/60p versus 30p for the T5

Quality results at high ISOs are another area where the D3300 outperforms the T5. We found Canon images really fell apart quickly after ISO 1600 and the top setting, 12,800, was a pixelated mess. The Nikon hits 25,600 and even though results weren't great at that lofty level, they were useable at smaller sizes. The D3300 had a much gentler fall-off overall. If you like shooting in low light without a flash, the Nikon gets another mark in the plus column.
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